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In Japan, governments since the Meiji restoration of 1868 legitimated their rule by depicting themselves as the defenders of the nation and the sacred Imperial institution from predatory Western powers (Berger pg.0). As a result, the Japanese military establishments wielded tremendous political influence and enjoyed high social prestige in the prewar period (Berger pg.0). The nation as a whole was taught to unconditionally support the military and the government. To question these establishments was in a sense viewed as unpatriotic. You fought for these institutions and they fought for you. By the early twentieth century the Japanese had been effectively banned on openly racial grounds form the United States and the British Dominions, and the United States made this brutally clear again in 14 in a new exclusion act based on race (Reischauer 177). As the Japanese saw the situation, they were not only being discriminated against in a humiliating way but were being economically bottled up (Reischauer 177). Military expansion seemed a viable option as these sentiments echoed throughout much of the Japanese leadership. The armed forces had played a pivotal role in the formation of the modern Japanese state, and their status as a great military power was central to their national self-understandings and as a result it was the military that was running the government, rather than the other way around. As Japan looked to expand its' borders the focus turned to China. China was experiencing a rise in nationalism and many felt time was running out and if something was to be done it must be done quickly. With a sense of urgency developing, foreign policy was about to undergo a great change. The relative independence of the Japanese armed forces made it possible to transform this sense of national crisis into an actual change in foreign policy and a shift in political structure (Reischauer 177). With the complete conquer of Manchuria by the Japanese army the civil government was now put in the unenviable position of justifying these actions to the rest of the world. The civil government, unable to control the situation, for fear of provoking an army coup d' etat, found itself forced to accept this abrupt return to empire building (Resichauer 177). Japanese foreign policy had in effect been taken over by the military.

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Throughout Japan patriotic fervor heightened following the conquer of Manchuria. This strengthened the hand of the military leaders immensely, and pressures by rightist zealots, particularly among the young officers, gave them arguments for tilting the national policies in the directions these groups advocated (Reischauer 177). As the Japanese Army extended its control, fighting broke out with China in 17 and World War II had begun.

Patriotism was rampant in Japan with the onset of war as the military extended dominance over the Japanese government. As parliamentary power continued to decline the government placed controls over industry to prepare the economy for war and the military pushed men into newly created civilian positions. Then in 140 the government forced all the parties to disband and enter the political wing of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, a large, amorphous organization which was meant to be a nationwide popular movement, like the Nazi or Fascist parties (Reischauer 177). Indoctrination of the people through education and the mass media became increasingly narrow virulent, and deviant ideas were suppressed with growing vigor, often more by neighborhood enthusiasts than by the government or police (Reischauer 177). Simultaneously a dichotomy occurred in which traditional government lost power and the military gained power. The nationalistic rise of the people was a great facilitator of these processes creating opportunities that otherwise likely would not have been possible. The Japanese experience is often compared to the fascism of interwar Europe and certainly the resemblances are in some ways striking; but, unlike the Italian and German cases, there was no dictator and the system was not the product of a well-defined, popular movement, but more a vague change of mood, a shift in the balance of power between the elite groups in Japanese society, and a consequent major shift in national policies, all occurring within the framework of the constitutional system established in 188 (Reischauer 177).

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The devastation of World War II was tremendous and at the end of the war Japan was

faced with only one choice, unconditional surrender. During the war an estimated three million Japanese lost their lives. The disastrous defeat in World War II dealt a lethal blow, both materially and spiritually, to the highly militaristic political-military culture (Berger pg.0). Both physically and mentally Japan was reeling. The Japanese armies had failed to fulfill the missions that had been their principle sources of legitimacy (Berger pg.0). The military was blamed for having recklessly dragged the country into a disastrous war that ended in the first occupation of Japan in recorded history and left the Emporer at the mercy of foreign conquerors (Berger pg.0). The unconditional support that had been given by the people had blown up in their face, no pun intended. The destruction and tragedy was unimaginable, and it would be the military that was left with the responsibility. Japan had risked all and lost all, leaving a mood of disillusionment with nationalist ambitions and a rejection of the prewar military ethos (Reischauer 177). It is quite possible that this sentiment may in fact still be present today. The country as a whole found itself in dire straits. Economic aid was required to keep the country afloat. For the many who did not perish they were left to cope with a tragedy beyond comprehension. All of Japan's great cities, with the exception of Kyoto, and most of its lesser cities had been in large part destroyed and their populations scattered throughout the country (Reischauer 177). The war had placed great strain on the psyche of the Japanese people. They had been under mounting psychological pressure for fifteen years and lived under full wartime conditions for eight (Reischauer 177). With an economy in pieces, life was made that much harder. The will and spirit of the people had been given to their country and this unimaginable state was what they were now forced to live with. The Japanese leaders had expected to win through the superiority of Japanese will power, and the people had responded with every ounce of will they possessed, until they were spiritually drained (Reischauer 177). The unconditional support of the people had cost them, if not their lives, their livelihood. It was under these

conditions General MacArthur and the Allied Powers moved in.

In September of 145 the American forces under the command of General MacArthur, who acted not just for the United States but for the coalition of victorious nations, under the title of Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), entered Japan with broad policy directives for sweeping reforms (Reischauer 177). By the end of 145 more than 40,000 troops were stationed in Japan. Everything was under control of the SCAP-all publications were subject to strict censorship, and telephone conversations of key figures considered dangerous to the U.S. Occupation were even tapped (Takashi, Jain 000). A tremendous amount of change was to be forced on the Japanese people who found themselves in a country that was literally turned upside down. After giving all they had to the government and military, this was now what they had in exchange. Occupational forces played on these broken spirits. The American occupation authorities and the new Japanese democratic elites played key roles in reinforcing and institutionalizing the antimilitary sentiments that appeared in the wake of the war (Berger pg.1).

Following the war the Japanese people felt betrayed and there was an urgent sense to never allow a disaster of this magnitude ever to happen again. This played perfectly into the hands of General MacArthur and the SCAP. SCAP built the very foundations of postwar Japan, guided by two principal policy goals-demilitarization and democratization (Takashi, Jain 000). SCAP's major activities resolved around disarmament of the Japanese war machine, political purge, dissolution of the zaibatsu, agricultural reform, and most importantly, drafting and promulgation of the new Constitution, which became effective on May 147 (Takashi, Jain 000). Arguably the drafting of a new Constitution was and would become the single most important event of the postwar period. In many ways the ramifications of such an event can still be seen today, and may in fact be the foundations on which much of the Japanese people base their views. The occupation forces worked hard to impress upon the Japanese people that theirs

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had been a moral as well as a military defeat (Berger pg.1). Not only were the Japanese working to recover from the war, they now had occupation forces reinforcing the fact that their trust and faith in their military had not only let them down, but betrayed them as well. The political and military leaders of the wartime regimes were put on trial for war crimes; books and passages in school texts deemed to be militaristic were expunged from the curriculum; and the Japanese population was bombarded with antimilitary propaganda that was almost as fierce as the wartime propaganda that preceded it (Harries, Bergerssi 187). The Japanese people were feeling the antimilitary push from all directions. Simultaneously a movement towards democratization was occurring. Japanese leaders emphasized the degree to which the new political system differed form the old and antimilitarist values were institutionally anchored in the new democratic political system (Berger pg.). This new democratic political system found its' roots within the context of the new constitution. In emphasizing the ways in which the new political system differed Japanese leadership and occupation forces portrayed the chance at a fresh start in a sense for a people wrought with despair. It was a chance for people to leave behind the days of old in which they had given themselves to their country and leadership only to be betrayed and find themselves searching for answers. Much of the change being offered by leadership seemed to echo the voices of the Japanese people.

In what General MacArthur later called "probably the single most important accomplishment of the occupation"-nothing less than the replacing of the "Meiji Constitution" of 180 with a new national charter (Dower Year?). This has often been described as a hermaphroditic creature, Dower writes, "no modern nation ever has rested on a more alien constitution-or a more unique wedding of monarchism, democratic idealism, and pacifism; and few, if any, alien documents have ever been as thoroughly internalized and vigorously defended as this national charter would come to be." Irony struck gold as occupation forces found a people and nation in need of great change. Before a new constitution actually came into effect, an

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extensive range of reformist policies including land reform, woman suffrage, prolabor legislation, and economic democratization had been put into practice under the existing national charter (Dower Year?). Various proposals flowed in regarding the new constitution, but it was MacArthur who wielded supreme authority. The supreme commander possessed "unrestricted authority to take any action you deem proper in effecting change in the Japanese constitutional structure." Protests and riots did break out against these reforms but many Japanese were accepting. Since the U.S. had apparently proved its superiority by defeating Japan, the disillusioned, demoralized Japanese, instead of reacting to the army of occupation and its leader with the normal sullen resentment of a defeated people, regarded the Americans as guides to a new and better day (Reischauer 177). MacArthur declared that the drafting of the new constitution would be based on the three principles, as follows

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The Emporer is at the head of the State.

His succession is dynastic.

His duties and powers will be exercised in accordance with the Constitution and responsible to the basic will of the people as pro-therein.

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