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Rose explains that hip hop was spawned by many different social and political factors, but

postindustrial oppression is what started rap in the late 170s. She criticizes the way that some

critics see at hip hop as simply a post modern practice, or how others see it as simply an

incarnation of pre-modern oral traditions, because she believes that these explanations do not do

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justice to its intricacies and complexities. Hip hop culture, a category which includes rap, graffiti

and breakdancing, expanded in the 170s due to urban life in 170s New York, technological

advances, economic advances, and advances in communication. All of this is in addition to Afro-

Caribbean and Afro-American music and oral and visual dance forms combine to form hip-hop

culture. Rose exemplifies how the above social situations shaped hip hop by exploring Andre

Craddock-Williss theory that the blues, jazz, R&B and rap are expressions that emerge in relation

to significant historical conditions and the relationship between black Americans and the larger

political and social character of America. ()

In the 170s, federal funding began to disappear and corporations took over whatever land

they could, the result of which was a widening gap between the economic classes--which translates

into a gap between races as well. This trend of unequal wealth distribution left many families in

desperate search of affordable housing, and according to Gil Scott, in the early 80s 5% of black

families and 0% of Hispanic families (40 % of Puerto Rican families) lived at or below the

poverty line. Social conditions forced many poor minorities in New York to move from the city to

parts of the South Bronx--which has been dubbed the home of hip-hop culture.

Hip hop culture, according to Rose, is composed of many crews, or groups of local artists

that perform together and support one another. Rose explains how these crews function in this

culture Identity in hip hop is deeply rooted in the specific, the local experience, and ones

attachment to and status in a local group. (4) The world of hip hop is depicted as a place to strive

for prestige and status and claim turf for your crew.

Graffiti, breakdancing and rap all incorporate themes of flow, layering, and ruptures in line.

Graffiti was practiced by artists who used many colors and created pieces that usually incorporated

images from television, comic books and cartoons. (4) Advances in spray paint technology

allowed for more large-scale pieces with very elaborate designs. Trains were the canvases of

choice for graffiti artists for their visibility and ability to pass through diverse neighborhoods. Not

only did this make graffiti dependent on skill, but also dependent on working under pressure of

creating your piece in the middle of the night in a train yard without getting caught. Crews worked

together to come up with ideas for larger pieces, share advice and help one another. Female graffiti

writers continued the themes of flow, layering and rupture, but used brighter colors and images that

were associated with femininity. However, they were discouraged from participating in this scene

by male counterparts who labeled them as sexually promiscuous.

Breakdancing centers itself around the theme of rupture in the hip hop world. The disco

music of the 70s utilized continuity of beats and smooth transitions, but breakdancers began to

structure their dances by the breaks in the beat between songs. Soon thereafter, music began to

incorporate these ruptures and breaks in beats, and breakdancing evolved into a competitive,

acrobatic and pantomimic dance with outrageous physical contortions, spins and backflips wedded

to a fluid syncopated circling body rock. (47) Like graffiti artists, these breakdancers performed

in crews, some of which included women. Some crews were entirely made of women, but like

sexism encountered in graffiti crews, women who participated in breakdancing were considered

masculine. Some of this sentiment comes from male breakdancers being uncomfortable with

women exhibiting the skillful and dangerous moves involved in performing. This style of dance

combines moves of current culture with those found in Afrodiaspora dances. There are many

similar moves and combinations with Afro-Brazilian dance, and also borrows moves from martial

arts. Some specific moves center around African-American experiences like the running man,

and lockitup, moves mimicking running from the police and hijacking a car, respectively.

Rose explains that rap music was a collage of sounds and beats which greatly contrasted

discos steady beat. Like in graffiti and breakdance, raps crews would battle for territory.

Popularity at performances, through club gigs, and in the circulation of recorded live performances

would establish a territory for that DJ. DJs perfected scratching, scratching the turntable needle

back and forth against the record, and backspinning, rapidly rewinding the record to reply a

phrase or hook, often over and over again to build anticipation. I notice the latter technique in

house and techno music more than anything else these days.

These DJ techniques took emphasis away from dancing and put it on watching the DJ, so

rappers were added to redirect audience attention. A common style of rap at this time was a kind of

toasting, from the roots of oral storytelling--this was a type of egotistical bragging. Rap is mostly

centered around the oral performance, but it is also focused on technology the the image of the

microphone, the object that gives their voice power and amplification. In the late 80s rap spread to

the West coast and took on a new style which focused on experiences of living in Los Angeles.

Soon after, hybrids of rap appeared, including bilingual raps, gangsta raps, protest raps and New

Age/Soul rap fusion. (5) However, just like graffiti and breakdancing, women found it hard to

break into this scene. The technology needed to produce and record were usually owned by men

and women either didnt feel that they would be allowed to use the equipment, or would feel

uncomfortable spending time with a man to be able to use his equipment.

This book was published in 14, and I especially think that the section of women in rap is

outdated. Rose talks about how there were few successful women producers and rappers, but I

feel that this has changed dramatically. For example, Missy Elliott is a very successful female

rapper and producer. She has been behind several successful songs of the past few years, and

there are many more women today in hip hop that have taken control of their music, images and

careers in general.

In the next chapter, Rose goes more into depth about the social and cultural backgrounds of

rap, as well as the role that technology has played in its development. She reminds us that rap

comes from black cultural traditions, postindustrial change in urban life, and technology. (6) We

first explore the use of rhythm and repetition, noting that rhythm is to African music as melody is

to classical music. Raps layered rhythms come from African music where the drums and the voice

are the most important facets of a song. Rose also notes that breaks in pitch and time are also

features of African-American music, which could answer the question in class a few weeks ago

about why Missy Elliotts songs have short sections (or, breaks) that are different than the rest of

the music in of some of her songs.

The use of repetition is frequently used as a means by which a sense of continuity, security,

and identification are maintained. (68) Rose entertains a theory from James A. Snead that

suggests that European culture tries to disguise repetition in their songs and call it progress,

whereas black culture makes no secret of it and sees it as equilibrium and balance. This

repetition and breaks in beat highlights rupture, one of the themes of hip hop culture. Rose warns

that these types of facets of rap music are not the results of industrial forces because they have

always existed in African music.

Rose tells us that samplers are the quintessential rap production tool. (7) Their original

use was to create a short cut to limit the expense of hiring studio musicians, and before raps

beginnings, great lengths were taken to assure that the sample could not be recognized. Rap has

changed the use of this practice to highlight the sample and use it as a point of reference. Bill

Stephney, co-owner of S.O.U.L. Records, explains that rap producers dislike the fake sound of

digital drums and have no success recording live drums to their satisfaction, so the only way to get

the sounds they like is to lift them off of old records. Producer Daddy-O explains that samples

arent used because they are lazy, they are used as learning tools to better understand music and its

construction. Another way in which recording technology is used in opposition to its original

function is by working in the red. This means that the sound boards indicators are in the red to

indicate distortion and low-frequency resonance, something usually avoided by sound engineers,

but desired by rap producers who see the heavy, growling sound as something to aim for on their

records.

Sampling is a huge part of rap, but it has also become a huge part of R&B. By using the

samples of older R&B songs, rappers are bringing the R&B songs into the forefront, constantly

reminding audiences of previous black music that may have been forgotten. However, when the

record sales of rap songs with samples hit the million range, the use of these samples has began

being pursued for legal action. After all, when samples were first used, no one seemed to care

about the fact that they were using copyrighted material. However, when the financial

possibilities arose, music corporations began pursuing what they could and enforcing stricter rules

for sampling. Rose explains that many black artists did not own the publishing rights to their

songs, so even if their record company brought legal action against an artist using their copyrighted

material, the original artist would receive little to none of the money made in the lawsuit or through

royalties.

Rap is often criticized for not being creative, not being real music, and for stealing from other

songs. Rose uses a reference to a J.D. Considine article in Musician magazine in which he says

that if you pay attention closely , even a seemingly simple rap record...reveals unexpected

complexity if you know where to look. (81) Another rebuttal to the claim that rap is full of

untrained, untalented people comes from Hank Shocklee, who feels that lack of training does not in

any way equal lack of creativity. He maintains that his lack of training, lack of being forced to look

at the way notes are supposed to be combined, allows him greater creative freedom--much more

than trained musicians who feel obligated to compose along certain rules.

Rose makes sure that we do not fall victim to understanding rap as simply an extension of

oral storytelling. She stresses that rap is just as much influenced by oral traditions as it is the

technology of today. We have already learned that identity is a major facet of rap, and in todays

rap, authorship is a crucial part of the lyrics and there are often references to the rapper within the

lyrics so that the song is easily identified as belonging to that rapper. Because of a lot of the

references to ones self in rap, when others perform a rap song, they are often obligated to change

the references to the original author, and Rose suggests that this is a way that power is taken away

from the author and they are conquered by whoever is performing their music. Rap can also not be

considered as simply oral storytelling because part of the process of writing such complex,

language-heavy songs is to write them down first and then memorize them. Oral traditions did not

rely on written accounts because of their lack of complexity, hence their smaller part in rap music.

Advances in technology are just as important a part of rap as its roots in oral storytelling.

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In Japan, governments since the Meiji restoration of 1868 legitimated their rule by depicting themselves as the defenders of the nation and the sacred Imperial institution from predatory Western powers (Berger pg.0). As a result, the Japanese military establishments wielded tremendous political influence and enjoyed high social prestige in the prewar period (Berger pg.0). The nation as a whole was taught to unconditionally support the military and the government. To question these establishments was in a sense viewed as unpatriotic. You fought for these institutions and they fought for you. By the early twentieth century the Japanese had been effectively banned on openly racial grounds form the United States and the British Dominions, and the United States made this brutally clear again in 14 in a new exclusion act based on race (Reischauer 177). As the Japanese saw the situation, they were not only being discriminated against in a humiliating way but were being economically bottled up (Reischauer 177). Military expansion seemed a viable option as these sentiments echoed throughout much of the Japanese leadership. The armed forces had played a pivotal role in the formation of the modern Japanese state, and their status as a great military power was central to their national self-understandings and as a result it was the military that was running the government, rather than the other way around. As Japan looked to expand its' borders the focus turned to China. China was experiencing a rise in nationalism and many felt time was running out and if something was to be done it must be done quickly. With a sense of urgency developing, foreign policy was about to undergo a great change. The relative independence of the Japanese armed forces made it possible to transform this sense of national crisis into an actual change in foreign policy and a shift in political structure (Reischauer 177). With the complete conquer of Manchuria by the Japanese army the civil government was now put in the unenviable position of justifying these actions to the rest of the world. The civil government, unable to control the situation, for fear of provoking an army coup d' etat, found itself forced to accept this abrupt return to empire building (Resichauer 177). Japanese foreign policy had in effect been taken over by the military.

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Throughout Japan patriotic fervor heightened following the conquer of Manchuria. This strengthened the hand of the military leaders immensely, and pressures by rightist zealots, particularly among the young officers, gave them arguments for tilting the national policies in the directions these groups advocated (Reischauer 177). As the Japanese Army extended its control, fighting broke out with China in 17 and World War II had begun.

Patriotism was rampant in Japan with the onset of war as the military extended dominance over the Japanese government. As parliamentary power continued to decline the government placed controls over industry to prepare the economy for war and the military pushed men into newly created civilian positions. Then in 140 the government forced all the parties to disband and enter the political wing of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, a large, amorphous organization which was meant to be a nationwide popular movement, like the Nazi or Fascist parties (Reischauer 177). Indoctrination of the people through education and the mass media became increasingly narrow virulent, and deviant ideas were suppressed with growing vigor, often more by neighborhood enthusiasts than by the government or police (Reischauer 177). Simultaneously a dichotomy occurred in which traditional government lost power and the military gained power. The nationalistic rise of the people was a great facilitator of these processes creating opportunities that otherwise likely would not have been possible. The Japanese experience is often compared to the fascism of interwar Europe and certainly the resemblances are in some ways striking; but, unlike the Italian and German cases, there was no dictator and the system was not the product of a well-defined, popular movement, but more a vague change of mood, a shift in the balance of power between the elite groups in Japanese society, and a consequent major shift in national policies, all occurring within the framework of the constitutional system established in 188 (Reischauer 177).

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The devastation of World War II was tremendous and at the end of the war Japan was

faced with only one choice, unconditional surrender. During the war an estimated three million Japanese lost their lives. The disastrous defeat in World War II dealt a lethal blow, both materially and spiritually, to the highly militaristic political-military culture (Berger pg.0). Both physically and mentally Japan was reeling. The Japanese armies had failed to fulfill the missions that had been their principle sources of legitimacy (Berger pg.0). The military was blamed for having recklessly dragged the country into a disastrous war that ended in the first occupation of Japan in recorded history and left the Emporer at the mercy of foreign conquerors (Berger pg.0). The unconditional support that had been given by the people had blown up in their face, no pun intended. The destruction and tragedy was unimaginable, and it would be the military that was left with the responsibility. Japan had risked all and lost all, leaving a mood of disillusionment with nationalist ambitions and a rejection of the prewar military ethos (Reischauer 177). It is quite possible that this sentiment may in fact still be present today. The country as a whole found itself in dire straits. Economic aid was required to keep the country afloat. For the many who did not perish they were left to cope with a tragedy beyond comprehension. All of Japan's great cities, with the exception of Kyoto, and most of its lesser cities had been in large part destroyed and their populations scattered throughout the country (Reischauer 177). The war had placed great strain on the psyche of the Japanese people. They had been under mounting psychological pressure for fifteen years and lived under full wartime conditions for eight (Reischauer 177). With an economy in pieces, life was made that much harder. The will and spirit of the people had been given to their country and this unimaginable state was what they were now forced to live with. The Japanese leaders had expected to win through the superiority of Japanese will power, and the people had responded with every ounce of will they possessed, until they were spiritually drained (Reischauer 177). The unconditional support of the people had cost them, if not their lives, their livelihood. It was under these

conditions General MacArthur and the Allied Powers moved in.

In September of 145 the American forces under the command of General MacArthur, who acted not just for the United States but for the coalition of victorious nations, under the title of Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), entered Japan with broad policy directives for sweeping reforms (Reischauer 177). By the end of 145 more than 40,000 troops were stationed in Japan. Everything was under control of the SCAP-all publications were subject to strict censorship, and telephone conversations of key figures considered dangerous to the U.S. Occupation were even tapped (Takashi, Jain 000). A tremendous amount of change was to be forced on the Japanese people who found themselves in a country that was literally turned upside down. After giving all they had to the government and military, this was now what they had in exchange. Occupational forces played on these broken spirits. The American occupation authorities and the new Japanese democratic elites played key roles in reinforcing and institutionalizing the antimilitary sentiments that appeared in the wake of the war (Berger pg.1).

Following the war the Japanese people felt betrayed and there was an urgent sense to never allow a disaster of this magnitude ever to happen again. This played perfectly into the hands of General MacArthur and the SCAP. SCAP built the very foundations of postwar Japan, guided by two principal policy goals-demilitarization and democratization (Takashi, Jain 000). SCAP's major activities resolved around disarmament of the Japanese war machine, political purge, dissolution of the zaibatsu, agricultural reform, and most importantly, drafting and promulgation of the new Constitution, which became effective on May 147 (Takashi, Jain 000). Arguably the drafting of a new Constitution was and would become the single most important event of the postwar period. In many ways the ramifications of such an event can still be seen today, and may in fact be the foundations on which much of the Japanese people base their views. The occupation forces worked hard to impress upon the Japanese people that theirs

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had been a moral as well as a military defeat (Berger pg.1). Not only were the Japanese working to recover from the war, they now had occupation forces reinforcing the fact that their trust and faith in their military had not only let them down, but betrayed them as well. The political and military leaders of the wartime regimes were put on trial for war crimes; books and passages in school texts deemed to be militaristic were expunged from the curriculum; and the Japanese population was bombarded with antimilitary propaganda that was almost as fierce as the wartime propaganda that preceded it (Harries, Bergerssi 187). The Japanese people were feeling the antimilitary push from all directions. Simultaneously a movement towards democratization was occurring. Japanese leaders emphasized the degree to which the new political system differed form the old and antimilitarist values were institutionally anchored in the new democratic political system (Berger pg.). This new democratic political system found its' roots within the context of the new constitution. In emphasizing the ways in which the new political system differed Japanese leadership and occupation forces portrayed the chance at a fresh start in a sense for a people wrought with despair. It was a chance for people to leave behind the days of old in which they had given themselves to their country and leadership only to be betrayed and find themselves searching for answers. Much of the change being offered by leadership seemed to echo the voices of the Japanese people.

In what General MacArthur later called "probably the single most important accomplishment of the occupation"-nothing less than the replacing of the "Meiji Constitution" of 180 with a new national charter (Dower Year?). This has often been described as a hermaphroditic creature, Dower writes, "no modern nation ever has rested on a more alien constitution-or a more unique wedding of monarchism, democratic idealism, and pacifism; and few, if any, alien documents have ever been as thoroughly internalized and vigorously defended as this national charter would come to be." Irony struck gold as occupation forces found a people and nation in need of great change. Before a new constitution actually came into effect, an

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extensive range of reformist policies including land reform, woman suffrage, prolabor legislation, and economic democratization had been put into practice under the existing national charter (Dower Year?). Various proposals flowed in regarding the new constitution, but it was MacArthur who wielded supreme authority. The supreme commander possessed "unrestricted authority to take any action you deem proper in effecting change in the Japanese constitutional structure." Protests and riots did break out against these reforms but many Japanese were accepting. Since the U.S. had apparently proved its superiority by defeating Japan, the disillusioned, demoralized Japanese, instead of reacting to the army of occupation and its leader with the normal sullen resentment of a defeated people, regarded the Americans as guides to a new and better day (Reischauer 177). MacArthur declared that the drafting of the new constitution would be based on the three principles, as follows

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The Emporer is at the head of the State.

His succession is dynastic.

His duties and powers will be exercised in accordance with the Constitution and responsible to the basic will of the people as pro-therein.

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Compare and contrast the techniques employed in portraying the horror of war in Regeneration and Journey's End.

"I chose the First World War because it's come to stand in for other wars…

It's come to stand for the pain of all wars."

Pat Barker wrote "Regeneration" in the 10's and R.C. Sherriff "Journey's End" in 17, the quote is from Barker and illustrates the magnitude of the effect of the First World War, and expresses the appeal of the subject. Both works use different techniques in their portrayal of horror, and their effectiveness will be examined in turn.

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The authors chose different formats with one being a novel the other a play, thus giving them contrasting ways of conveying soldiers' experiences of war.

In "Regeneration", Barker begins by exploring the character of Sassoon and through opening her novel with the declaration immediately demonstrates the adverse affect that war can have on rational young men. Karin Westman states

"When Sassoon asks the public to make use of their imagination, he is asking them to imagine the horrors of the war, to conceive monstrous images, in order to comprehend its destructive force."

Barker utilises the factual document to validate the anti-war stance of the novel. Sassoon has found that the horror of war has lead to the disintegration of his men and has morale shattering qualities stating, "I have seen and endured the suffering of the troops, and I can no longer be a party to prolong these sufferings for ends which I believe to be evil and unjust." As a man, we later learn, who has won the Military cross, we come to realise that he is certainly no coward, and his reasons for his declaration are valid and just. His one-man-stand illustrates how strongly he feels the war should be ended, and how he is disgusted by its treatment of the men.

Both authors use techniques that introduce their main characters very carefully. Barker does this with Sassoon's declaration and Rivers and Bryce discussing him, in "Journey's End" the audience learns about Stanhope before he appears on stage through Hardy and Osborne discussing his drink problem and then the audience is given the contrasting aspect to his character with Raleigh eulogising him. Stanhope, a war hero, is driven to drink in a struggle to maintain the courage he needs to lead his troops. Sherriff shows the severe effect the war has had on Stanhope

"D'you ever get a sudden feeling that everything's going farther and farther away- till you're the only one in the world- and then the world begins to go away- until you're the only thing in- in the universe- and you struggle to get back- and you can't?"

The use of a long sentence here is a method of conveying his confusion and trauma. War has isolated Stanhope, he has come to realise his own mortality, and alcohol is a comfort helping to dull the realities of it all. Much in the same way as being mute is to prior when he arrives at Craiglockhart. It is a defence mechanism, almost as if by not talking about his experiences it would mean they never took place. Prior exposes the reader to a different attitude to Rivers treatment by being stubborn and defensive showing how different people react to war's horrors. Prior is in stark contrast to Hibbert in "Journey's End" and is determined at all costs to return to the front line. He feels he is letting his fellow soldiers down by having a breakdown. Prior had a horrific encounter when he had to clear up the remains of a comrade who had been blown to pieces and he discovered his eye.

"His fingers touched the smooth surfaces and slid before they could get a hold…"What am I supposed to do with this gobstopper?" he saw Logan blink and knew he was afraid."

Even when he regains his speech Prior attempts to detach himself from the emotions of his experiences and this is essentially what Stanhope does through the use of the bottle.

In Journey's End we are aware of the horror of war through the characters reactions to situations, particularly in rare moments that show real emotion. The argument between Hibbert, who wants to leave the front line, and Captain Stanhope, illustrates this through the characters vulnerability. Hibbert says

"Ever since I came here I've hated and loathed it. Every sound up there makes me all- cold and sick… It's got worse and worse, and now I can't bear it any longer. I'll never go up those steps again- into the line- with the men looking at me- and knowing- I'd rather die here."

It's the last few words that really emphasize how greatly he detests the horror of it all, the fear of not knowing if he will survive the next day. Hibbert is revealed to have certain vulnerability and it is at this point that the audience begins to feel sorry for him. They think of him as less of a coward and more like any one of thousands of young men, called up to serve their country unaware of the realities of war, that don't wish to live in fear. It is this human element that Sherriff brings to his characters which enable the audience to comprehend the terror of war.

The devastating affect that death has is more apparent in "Journeys End". Raleigh cannot come to terms with the loss of Osborne.

"Good god! Don't you understand? How can I sit down and eat that- when- (his voice nearly breaking)- when Osborne's lying- out there- "

Sherriff here reveals what soldiers dealt with every day, but for Raleigh this is a new experience- making it all the more horrific and the audiences experience more intense. Barker, on the other hand, makes the reader more aware of the psychological effects war can have, rather than the physical- conveying the long-term consequences of war such as the slow breakdown of Rivers. Rivers is a character that the reader wouldn't expect to be affected by war in his role as medical officer.

Each character in "Regeneration" is used by Barker to explore the horror of war from a different perspective. Rivers gives the reader a different insight, as a government doctor one would expect Rivers to be pro-war and encouraging soldiers to return to the front line. In a different way Barker illustrates the repercussions of war through the blood fearing doctor, Anderson, showing war affected those who were not even involved in the front line fighting, and the civilian Sarah, who represents the millions of women back home who didn't understand the suffering men endured and were "resented" for their innocence of the horrors of war. The scope of suffering Barker explores is in contrast to "Journey's End", where the focus is solely on the effects of war on the soldiers at the front.The intended audience for each work had an influence over its style/presentation and explains the difference in their portrayal of war and it's horror.

Choosing to present "Journey's End" as a play rather than as a novel, as he first intended, enabled him to convey every last detail of the appearance of the front-line and imitate every resounding sound. The detailed stage directions explain the exact noises Sherriff wanted to create, and the amount of chaos he wished to convey.

"Flying fragments of shell whistle and hiss and moan overhead. The sharp "crack" of the riffle grenades, the thud of the shells, and the boom of the Minenwerfer mingle together in a muffled roar."

These details emphasize the terrifying conditions that soldiers had to endure, day in day out, very effectively. The lighting that is used also plays an important role. It enables Sherriff to express the intended mood to the audience. Following Raleigh's death the lighting heightens its effect on Stanhope. "The solitary candle-flame throws up the lines on his pale, drawn face, and the dark shadows under his tired eyes."

In contrast Baker is unable to use these visual devises, as her novel requires the use of the readers imagination. She has to try to paint a picture with words not with actions on stage, so Barker uses descriptions with vivid imagery to convey her interpretation of the horror of war. To express Sassoon's' experiences of war she uses some haunting images.

"…No more walls. Ruined buildings. Shelled roads. "From to sunlight to the sunless land." And for a second he was back there Armageddon, Golgotha, there were no words, a place of desolation so complete no imagination could have invented it."

Barker wanted to portray all the evils of war in her novel, not shirking from the realities.

In "Journey's End" instead of highlighting the horror of a situation, humour is often used to achieve the opposite effect- as a means of diffusing tension. R.C Sherriff's characters portray the horror of war more often than not, through what they don't say, rather than what they do. There is often a change of subject when something too sensitive or depressing is mentioned, with Mason being a key exponent of this. The topic of food is used as a way of avoiding discussing things that make them uneasy, and tension is dispersed through his use of humour.

"Trotter Sort of cutlet, is it? You know, Mason, there's cutlets and cutlets.

Mason I know, sir, that one's a cutlet.

Trotter Well it won't let me cut it."

Avoiding a subject is an effective way of illustrating how it disturbs the people who don't wish to talk about it.

It must be remembered that R.C. Sherriff was writing soon after the First World War, a war that in which British civilians lost many friends and family. Therefore emotive stage production that portrayed the realities of war was still frowned upon. Sherriff would have been partially restricted in what he said because of this, so he had to portray things realistically otherwise the audience would have been critical. Also performing a play with "no leading lady" meant he was already going against the trend of light-hearted plays. This is why in some respects Sherriff is less extreme in his portrayal, choosing to be subtler than Barker in his representation of horror.

Both authors use a range of literary techniques in their writing that help the reader/audience to comprehend the scale of the horror that is portrayed.

In "Regeneration" Barker uses many similes and metaphors such as "He was staring up at the tower, which gleamed white, like the bones of a skull." These harrowing images are a clever way of conveying the horror of a situation. This kind of vivid imagery enables the reader to envisage the exact scene a character has witnessed, and this in turn is like the hallucinations Sassoon has that force him to relive his horrific experiences.

R.C. Sherriff chooses not to use elaborate descriptions or vivid imagery, as they are not necessary in a play. It is the precise stage directions that can heighten the terror. This is particularly evident in the Final Act, where even though the characters words don't portray the horror of a situation the stage directions reveal their true emotions.

"HIBBERT sits on the bed to the left, his thin white fingers nervously twitching the ash from his cigar. His pale face is shiny with sweat from the heat of the candles; his laugh is high pitched and excited."

This is following on from Osborne's death and although the characters appear to be having a good time the stage directions communicate the tension."Regeneration" and "Journey's End" offer very differing portrayals of the horrors of the First World War. R. C. Sherriff delivers a skilfully accurate portrayal of the situation and events that occurred during the war, as Christopher Stillwell suggests "perhaps only someone who had witnessed the horrors firsthand could tell such a story in a way that is both so simple and so gripping." Sherriff undoubtedly manages to create an authentic atmosphere with realistic characters and expressive stage directions, conveying the real emotive horror of the front line through simple dialogue and an inevitably traumatic finale- with the deaths of Osborne and Raleigh. However, Sherriff was unable to depict the horror of war as expressively as Barker due to the constraints of the stage and the era he was writing in.

Barker, through graphic descriptions, vivid imagery and symbolism enables the reader to envisage the destructive effect of the war, especially on young men such as Burns who had their youth taken away from them. Barkers' motives for this bold portrayal lie firmly in her anti-war beliefs and strong political opinions, however as Peter Kemp in the Sunday Times admires she manages to present a great deal of trauma "without a tremor of sensationalism or sentimentality." It is the varied range of techniques she employs that make "Regeneration" a triumphant portrayal of horror in the First World War. Barker forces the reader to consider the impact of war and how the horrendous nature of the combat affected millions of lives.

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This coursework on women during world war this coursework mainly looks how women were treated differently during World War and what difficult conditions they and their family had to go through.

Source A is from the BBC service in May 141, what you can learn from source A is that the women were very determined to do their best and to pull their weight. It also mentioned that they had to make do with sacrifices such as the evacuation of their children and there husbands going out to help the Army and military services.

It also mentions that women that all women should be involved and that many women should work and help replace the males in the workplace to keep Britain on its feet, this is strongly shown at the beginning of the source "Every women is needed to pull there weight around to the up most."

It also mentions that every woman has to make sacrifices such as loss of husband and loss of children and of course the rationing. This source also says that it isn't just the services and armed forces that are winning the war it is also the women at home.

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The broadcast was mad by the BBC Home service on the radio by a member a member of the women institute. This source is also greatly suggests that it weren't just the men but also the women who played an important role in the war.

With the men at war this meant women had many roles to play in the war such as work in factories and help build planes and artillery they also had to repair things such as cars in garages.

Source B does support Source A by mentioning "That women a regarded as very important." It also mentions that women are doing men jobs such as factory work.

But the source doesn't say things such as women making sacrifices or women having to pull there weight to help. Quotes such as " How women are regarded as very important." This implies that women had to do very important jobs and roles during the war. And the quote "I did a mans job during the last world war and I enjoyed It." Implies that they liked doing men jobs. Source A and B do both mention that the women had very important roles and jobs in the war.

But the tones are different Source A is patriotic whilst Source B was sort a sarcastic tone. Source A witch has more of a patriotic tone is mainly talking about freedom and saying that women are playing a very important part in the war. But Source B which is more of a sarcastic tone by saying or implying that women are playing a big part in the war but also implies that why are women important are important when the war starts and why is it that women are only considered important when the men are gone. It also goes on to say that if they do well and stick to it there maybe a reward after the war if they impress the government and that they may be considered more important. This is shown in this quote "women should get on with the job, and then ask for the good conditions that they are entitled to.

During the Second World War the government were producing loads of leaflets and advertisements about cooking and food. This was to make women more creative with there rations, they were also used as a form of propaganda saying that women are playing an important role in the war by being creative with there food supply and by growing there own food.

They wanted women to grow their own food but especially potatoes this is backed up by source C this is written in the source "we must eat more potatoes, the government has large crops especially potatoes this is because potatoes are a healthy food and because they save shipping space." The reason why they wanted to save shipping space was because of the battle of the Atlantic were the convoys were being attacked by the German U-Boats.

They were also producing ads suggesting ideas for cooking using there rations so they would last a whole week not just a couple of days, these were shown as cartoons as shown in source E the leaflet shown in source E shows how they would be able to ration their food through out the week form Sunday when they receive their ration to Saturday.

They were also releasing ads and leaflets saying that if they did ration their food they would get a medal, source D shows this very clearly and mentions things like this "A medal for this……………….. Making delicious dishes from home grown vegetables with just a flavoring of meat or fish." This also encourages women to grow their own food. Source B was a good source to show that these ads and leaflets were also used for a great deal of propaganda.

The women also had to work on farms as a part of the women's land army there were also ads to get interested into joining the WLA. By saying that it was glamorous career but this was just all propaganda.

They also produced leaflets to raise morale this is clearly shown in sources D and E. Source D mentions that women are playing an important role in the war with quotes like this "The British house wife is helping in making a second front" and source E showed that all the women were on the same boat and all making sacrifices. But Source D was clearer to talk about the propaganda used in the leaflets. They wanted to keep up the morale to stop women revolting so they wont give in and sign a treaty with the Germans and Hitler.

They also wanted healthy people because the government didn't know how long the war would last; they wanted healthy people to replace Lost, Injured or Killed solders in the war. This is shown in source C "we must eat potatoes. The government has large crops specially potatoes because potatoes are a health food." This shows that they wanted the UK public to eat healthy especially Potatoes.

In conclusion the government produced loads of propaganda some more successful then others, the propaganda was to help them prepare food and to help boost morale.

Sources F and G are quite useful sources showing what women's role at war was. Source F was a popular song during the Second World War, and source G was women describing her experience during the Second World War she was speaking in 18.

Source F was obviously propaganda the goal of the song was to increase morale and to increase the work ethic in women, the song was most probably written by the government or the war office who were in charge of propaganda. The song was made to try to encourage women to work in factories and places like oil derricks, this is shown with this line of the song "She's the girl that makes the oil that oils the ring." "That works the thingamabob that makes the engine roar." The song was suggesting that women were playing an important role in the war.

The song was produced for average women to encourage them to work and to make their moral rise. This source was a very is a pretty useful source with suggestions of factory work and working with oil was mentioned in the song quite a lot.

Source G is a women talking about her experience during the second world war she spoke this out in 18, 8 years after the war had ended. The women was saying that they were treated badly at the WLA this was basically the main topic throughout the paragraph nearly every line mentioned it, with quotes lie "They didn't make it easy for you", "We really weren't welcome" and "we were worse treated then the services." She also stated that sometimes they had to cycle 8 miles there and back to get to and back from work. She also said that it was pitch black when they got home. She also said that they were fed badly they ate nothing but sausages cooked in water for months. This was shown from this quote " All we had in the Army digs were sausages, everyday for nine months, she used to cook them in water they were horrible."

But she did speak way after the war had ended so here memory might not of been as good as it was and may of forgot some of the better times or she might have been over exaggerating and also it is only one person speaking but I still believe this source is very useful.

In conclusion I think that Source G is the most useful because it's out of someone's direct experience. This wasn't used for propaganda because it was way after the war and she was badmouthing the system. Source F was used for propaganda mainly so therefore they would have been tuned up to make the jobs seem more glamorous.

Source F stated that "The most important role of women was at home", women played an important role in the war, in the factories and at home. Women had an important role in the factories for the first time since the first world war with all there male counterparts in the armed forces the were many jobs to keep Britain working. This was a very important part of the allies winning the war. This backs up source B that was written in the West Ham Gazette by a female member of the local council in west ham. She went on to quote "that women should get on with the job, do it well, and then ask for the good conditions there entitled to." She also says that this isn't the first time this has happened the same sort of thing was done during world war one.

The was also a popular song released about women at work shown in source F, it's about women in factories and oil derricks etc, this song mentioned loads of important jobs that women did during the second world war. This was used a propaganda in media form but it wasn't the only piece of propaganda to use media, but the were also films released in 14 by the ministry of information those were called "Night Shift" and " Jane Brown changes her job." These were shown at the cinema before the main feature and they were both about 15 minutes long! To do this great deal of propaganda must have meant it was important during the war.

Source G is an old woman who worked in the WLA and spoke out in 18 (8 years after the war) she spent the whole time mentioning how badly they were treated with quotes like. "They didn't make it easy for you", "We really weren't welcome" and "we were worse treated then the services." She also stated that sometimes they had to cycle 8 miles there and back to get to and back from work. She also said that it was pitch black when they got home. She also said that they were fed badly they ate nothing but sausages cooked in water for months. This was shown from this quote " All we had in the Army digs were sausages, everyday for nine months, she used to cook them in water they were horrible." The government made this job look glamorous you would often find yourself in a cottage with no electricity, gas or even running water. But to make a job this low of quality look so glamorous meant they needed as many workers as they could and that meant that this was a job that was very important during the war.

However to win the war women at home and even work had to make sacrifice, this is shown in source A which says that all women need to make sacrifices. It mentions that every woman has to make sacrifices such as loss of husband and loss of children and of course the rationing.

It also mentions that women that all women should be involved and that many women should work and help replace the males in the workplace to keep Britain on its feet, this is strongly shown at the beginning of the source so source A does support both sides of the argument by mentioning Women at Work and at home. Source A also mentions about women needing to join the WLA because Britain was running low of supplies so they needed as many women farmers as possible.

Source C strongly backs this up by having quotes such as "Food is a weapon of war don't waste it" This clearly shows that they shouldn't waste anything that there given and if they don't they will get a better chance of winning the war. Britain didn't want to submit the Nazis. It also quotes that "women should use the food to the greatest advantage". It also mentions women at home are playing a very major role in the winning of the war which is shown very strongly with this quote " You women at home you are winning the war as much as your men folk in the forces." Source C was saying that women should balance out there rations and make them last. This was very important at the time as Britain had only enough food to feed 1/ of the population. They had to import food from other countries but mainly America. But German U-boats blew up the majority of the ships sailing to Britain with much needed food during the battle of the Atlantic. Rations were very important at the time and Source D further backs this up.

Source H strongly suggests women at home played the decisive role by actually saying it. They were so decisive because they coped with the rations and barley able to feed or clothe their own family. If one revolted then the whole system could of fallen apart this source was very one sided.

In conclusion, although women at home did an important job during the war being able to cope with the rations and not revolting really helped the Britain win the War. But I believe that the women in the factories played a bigger part of Britain winning the war with out food we would of surrendered to Hitler. And without war material like guns and tanks we would have been beaten to submission so I believe the women in the factories were the more important of the two.

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Unquestionably, the events of September 11th have reshaped the debate over globalization. A trend that many economists characterized as irresistible suddenly appears less so. Foreign assembly operations have become less attractive to U.S. corporations now that there is the fact, or even the danger, that their trucks will be stuck in mile-long queues at the U.S.-Canada or U.S.-Mexico border. Companies like McDonalds and Starbucks, whose main opportunities for market growth are outside the United States, now must factor in extra costs of security when contemplating opening another outlet abroad. Computer programmers from India and graduate students from Pakistan will face additional hurdles when attempting to obtain temporary residency in the United States, and American companies will think twice about posting their executives abroad. Foreign trade, foreign direct investment, and international migration all will grow less quickly than they did before the terrorist attacks.All this is common sense. But it is also common sense not to push the argument too far. For one thing, there will be a strong incentive to invest in new technologies that will minimize disruptions to international business. We already use infrared scanners on certain trucks coming in from Mexico and CAT scans on selected luggage at airports. More investment in such equipment will allow international traffic to move more quickly, whether that traffic takes the form of trucks, container ships, or passenger airliners. Technologies that are hard to imagine now, precisely because they have not been invented yet, will help to move these lines even faster. The 60 per cent rise in the prices of the stocks of security-related companies in the four weeks following September 11th confirms that the incentive for their development is there. International cooperation will work in the same direction. Vincente Fox has already proposed major investments in immigration control on Mexico' southern border, which will limit the burden on U.S. immigration officials along the United States' own southern border. A survey of 50 Canadian CEO's, taken at the end of October, similarly yielded an overwhelming consensus that the two neighbors should urgently agree on a common set of rules immigration in order to protect Canadian access to the U.S. market. Our NAFTA partners have the largest investments in globalization of virtually any countries in the world. They have a strong incentive to make us see the relevant security zone as North America and not simply the United States. The terrorists targeted the World Trade Center because it was a symbol of American capitalism in one of its most visible manifestations, American financial markets. Among the victims were large number of persons who worked for companies, foreign as well as domestic, whose business was international finance. This points up the question of how international capital flows will be affected by these events. Clearly, bonds issued by countries that are on the front lines of the so-called war against terrorism, Pakistan for example, will be regarded as even riskier than before. But there are plausible reasons for thinking that disembodied portfolio investment, as opposed to direct investment, will be stimulated rather than depressed by the attacks. Buying a bond of a foreign government or a stock issued by a foreign corporation is physically less risky than opening an American factory abroad or checking into the Intercontinental Hotel in the capital city of a country whose government is not a member of the Bush Administration's coalition against terrorism. There is still a big world economy out there. Investors still want "foreign exposure" in their internationally-diversified portfolios. Arguably, portfolio investment will be even more attractive than before as a way of getting it. The main impact on capital flows thus will be not on their level but on their composition and direction. Investors will have an even stronger incentive to differentiate among countries according to the strength of their economic, financial, and political institutions. One of the problems of the 10s was that investors, in their enthusiasm for emerging markets, failed to differentiate adequately among destinations for their funds. Any new tendency for capital to flow more disproportionately to countries that have built relatively strong financial systems, political institutions and international alliances can only be a good thing from the point of view of financial stability. This will also sharpen the rewards for countries that build strong democratic institutions, that deal with minorities in ways that minimize ethnic strife, and that build bridges to their neighbors, since these will be the places where Americans will seek to invest. Of course, this also means that the gap between the haves and have-nots will widen. More foreign investment will flow to the first-tier countries of Eastern Europe, attracted by their democratic institutions and prospects for EU accession. Investment in sub-Saharan Africa, in contrast, is likely to be seen as even less attractive than before.This new emphasis on politics, international politics in particular, means that investors will be paying special attention to the implications of recent events for International Monetary Fund assistance for emerging markets. The Bush Administration has made clear that it will use every weapon at its disposal in the fight against terrorism. The IMF is one such instrument, like it or not, since the United States is the Fund's largest single shareholder. This clearly enhances the prospects for multilateral assistance for front-line countries like Turkey, who are now too geopolitically important to be allowed to default on their debts. Argentina, on the other hand, is far from the front lines. (One is reminded of Henry Kissinger's quip that "Argentina is a dagger pointed straight at the heart of Antarctica.") Now that the stakes have been raised, amplifying the voices of those who argue that we cannot afford a major disruption to international financial markets, IMF lending will be ramped up. But to demonstrate that the United States is not consorting with the IMF in blindly throwing at emerging markets the hard-earned tax dollars of U.S. plumbers and carpenters (to paraphrase Treasury Secretary O'Neill), there will also be a temptation to make an example of a problem country. It is not hard to imagine who this might be.Just as the Asian crisis ultimately forced the Congress to acknowledge the need for an IMF quota increase, the current crisis highlights the need for the international financial equivalent of the FDNY. Thus, the extreme view on Capitol Hill that the IMF should be abolished is likely to be extinguished once and for all. On the other hand, the legitimacy of the IMF and its economic advice will not be enhanced if it is viewed by other countries, even more than before, as an instrument of U.S. foreign policy. Calls for reform of the institution's voting formulas and procedures to enhance the representation of developing countries are likely to be met in Washington by the response "not now." If the IMF becomes less of a politically lightening pole here, the opposite is sure to be true in the developing world. This new enthusiasm for IMF programs will be only one manifestation of a more outward-looking U.S. foreign economic policy. Clearly, it will be easier for the Bush Administration to make the case for Fast-Track Authority to reward friendly countries with enhanced access to the U.S. market. It will push harder for debt relief for highly-indebted poor countries in the hope that less debt will mean more growth, and more growth will mean fewer disaffected religious fundamentalists. Progress in granting debt relief has been slowed by the perception, not entirely accurate, that it has budgetary costs for the OECD governments that are the principal creditors, and that blanket relief would penalize countries that had made serious efforts to reform while rewarding spendthrift governments. These objections are likely to be shelved as a result of the new urgency attached to enhancing stability and restarting growth in the poorest countries.What of foreign aid? Talk of a "Marshall Plan for Afghanistan" has already started. It will be followed by arguments that the United States cannot continue giving only pitiful amounts of aid to countries where young men seek refuge from grinding poverty and lack of opportunity in political and religious fanaticism. Some increase in U.S. foreign aid there will surely be. The Marshall Plan was most directly motivated by the eruption of the Cold War; some kind of "New Marshall Plan," it can be confidently predicted, will be proposed by the Administration in response to the war on terrorism, although whether the U.S. will be prepared to devote two per cent of its GNP over four years to such an initiative, as it did between 148 and 151, is another question. The answer lies, in part, on what return we can expect on our investment. The Marshall Plan may have been a great economic and political success, but a reading of its history, and the history of foreign aid generally, renders one pessimistic that its success can be replicated in many of the poorest countries today. Foreign aid has worked only where there has existed a domestic constituency for reform and where multilateral assistance tipped the balance in its direction. This was recognized by one of the IMF's early managing directors, Per Jacobsson, as early as 15, when he observed that foreign assistance "can only succeed if there is the will in the countries themselves." Why, then, did Marshall Plan funds work after World War II to help bring about inflation stabilization, fiscal consolidation, and market-friendly reform? The answer is that European governments were strongly predisposed to adopt these policies, and the Marshall Plan tipped the balance by limiting the short-run pain and sacrifices that had to be imposed on their constituents. Europe already had long experience with the market, which inclined it toward the adoption of market-friendly reforms. It had suffered devastating hyperinflations after World War I, which predisposed it to monetary and fiscal stabilization after World War II. It had democratic governments with checks and balances that prevented aid from being diverted into the pockets of elites. And many European countries had single-party governments or strong coalitions capable of credibly committing to the relevant reforms. Where on the other hand has foreign aid not worked? It has not worked where there did not already exist a strong domestic constituency for reform, where the government was weak, and where democracy was absent or the government otherwise lacked the capacity to commit to the relevant reforms. Thus, scholars like Andrew MacIntyre ascribe the failure of IMF assistance to produce quick results in Thailand in 17-8 to a flawed constitutional design that generated weak coalition governments and incohesive parties unable to commit to reform. They attribute the severity of Indonesia's crisis to the weakness of democratic institutions, which vested arbitrary decision making power in the hands of one person, Suharto, who could as easily change his mind as stay the reformist course. These historical observations caution against exaggerated hopes that foreign aid conditioned on a laundry list of reforms and policies can play a major role in getting a postwar Afghanistan back onto its economic feet. They suggest relatively pessimistic conclusions about whether providing sustained U.S. aid, as opposed to dropping dehydrated meals from the skies and hiring U.S. construction companies to rebuild bridges and airstrips, will do much to alleviate the problems of countries where contract enforcement and investor protections are unreliable, and where political checks and balances are too weak to prevent foreign aid from being funneled into the pockets of the elites. We have no choice but to try, but realism and the historical record suggest not expecting too much of foreign aid to countries that have not yet succeeded in putting the relevant political and economic infrastructure in place.We know much more about how to help developing countries that have already begun to take these steps. Abolishing restrictions on their sales of bananas to Europe and apparel to the United States can invigorate their exports, raise their rates of economic growth, and help to create improved living standards for their masses.1 The Multifiber Agreement, an historical anachronism dating from 174, continues to limit imports of textiles and apparel into the U.S. market. If the Congress is serious about addressing the problems of developing countries as a way of bringing them into the fold, it could start by abolishing the Multifiber Agreement. U.S. foreign economic policy cannot solve the problems of the entire world. Some parts will have to first begin to help themselves. But where they have done so, and where we have instruments that can usefully push the process along, it would be a crime not to do so.

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Women have not had it easy in the workplace. They have faced many setbacks throughout the years in achieving equality in the workplace. Even though the women's movement has made great strides for equality, they have a long way to go. This paper is going to examine some forms of discrimination and harassment that women face in the workplace such as pay discrimination, pregnancy discrimination, and hostile work environment. This paper will first take a look at the history of the women's movement and what women can do if they encounter sexual harassment or discrimination in their workplace.

The history of the women's movement dates back to July 1, 1848. According to the National Womens History Project (NWHP), it was that day that Elizabeth Cady Stanton was having tea with four women friends when they began to discuss the situation of women in the new country. Stanton discussed her discontent with her friends and they agreed with her. From that day the five women had set their sights high, they were planning a convention so they could discuss social, civil, and religious conditions, and also the rights of woman (NWHP). They decided that the gathering would take place at the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls on July 1 and 0, 1848 (NWHP).

The Seneca Falls Convention was indeed a stepping-stone for the women's rights movement. This convention sparked other conventions nation wide, something that the original founders optimistically hoped for (NWHP). Conventions were held every year from 1850 to the civil war (NWHP). Some of these conventions drew such a crowd that people had to be turned away due to a lack of meeting room (NWHP). Though this is a small piece of early women's right's history, a common misconception of many people in today's society is that the woman's right's movement started in the 160's (Freeman 515).

Though the women's right's movement never stopped, the "Second Wave" began in the 160's. A few new issues sparked off this new second wave that women wanted gain equality for, one of them was equal pay (Freeman 515). Because of the large number of American women taking jobs in the early 160s, newspapers published separate job listings for men and women. Jobs were categorized according to sex, with the higher level jobs listed almost exclusively under "Help Wanted, Male" (Freeman 516). In some cases the ads ran identical jobs under male and female listings but with separate pay scales (Freeman 516). Though the ads were separate, they were unequal as well. Women between 150 and 160 with full time jobs earned on average between 5-64 cents for every dollar their male counterparts earned in the same job (Freeman 517). It wasnt until the passage of the Equal Pay Act on June 10, 16 that it became illegal to pay women lower rates for the same job strictly on the basis of their sex (Freeman 517). Demonstrable differences in seniority, merit, the quality or quantity of work, or other considerations might merit different pay Freeman (51-0). Women have been fighting strong since the start of the women's movement at the Seneca Falls Convention, they continue to fight today, and will keep fighting in the future for the rights they deserve.

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For generations women have been the victims of sexual harassment in the workplace. One form of discrimination that women have been victims of is pregnancy discrimination. Pregnancy discrimination is when the employer refuses to hire a woman because she is pregnant. The Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 178, Title VII of the 164 Civil Rights Act, and the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1 specifically prohibits discrimination because of pregnancy. Employers cannot refuse to employ or fire a woman based on her pregnant condition (USA Today, Wren). Also, state maternity and parental leave laws provide for a specific number of weeks that a parent may take off for the birth or the adoption of a child (USA Today).

There have also been cases where women have been denied promotions because their bosses could not rely on a pregnant assistant (Elmer). Actions toward pregnant women such as this result from outdated beliefs that pregnant women are unproductive, sickly, and delicate. Yet these mistakes have cost employers millions of dollars because pregnancy discrimination violates federal laws (Elmer). The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission reported that pregnancy discrimination complaints nationwide have increased 40 percent in the first half of the 10's, from ,000 in 11 to 4,11 in 15 (Wren 61).

There are reported cases of pregnancy discrimination from all states. One case in particular involves a Louisiana bank teller (Wren 61). The president of the bank was very impressed with the work of one of his employees (Wren 61). Two months into the woman's pregnancy he had decide to promote her to his personal assistant, a position that was sought by many of the bank's employees (Wren 6). In her excitement, she had told him that the promotion was the second most exciting thing that happen to her that week (Wren 6). When her boss asked about the first exciting event, she told him that she just had discovered she was going to have a baby. The president was not happy and told her that he could not rely on a pregnant assistant (Wren 6). He withdrew the promotion and the lady left the office and returned to her position as a teller (Wren 6).

Another form of discrimination that women face in the workforce is pay discrimination. Equal pay has been the law since 16. But today, women still are paid less than men even when they do similar work and have similar education, skills and experience. In 18, the AFL-CIO reported that women were paid 7 cents for every dollar men received. After breaking it down even further that come to $7 less to spend on groceries, housing, childcare, or other expenses for every $100 worth of work that women do (AFL-CIO).

Jobs that are usually held by women pay less than jobs traditionally held by men even if they require the same education, skills, and responsibilities (Barko 61). For example, stock and inventory clerks, who are mostly men, earn about $470 a week, while general office clerks who are mostly women and earn only $61 a week (Barko 61). Women also dont have equal job opportunities. A newly hired woman may get a lower paying assignment than a man starting work at the same time for the same employer. That first job starts her career path and can lead to a lifetime of lower pay (Barko 6). Women also dont have an equal chance at promotions, training and apprenticeships because all these opportunities affect pay, women dont move up the earnings ladder like men do (Barko 6).

An employer who pays women less than men just because they are women is guilty of sex discrimination. Two federal laws, an executive order and state and local laws prohibit pay discrimination against women (ALF-CIO, Barko, U.S. Department of Labor). The first federal law is called the Equal Pay Act. Under the Equal Pay Act it is unlawful to pay women less than men for work that is substantially equal, unless the pay difference is based on seniority, experience or other legitimate factors (Barko 61). The next federal law is Title VII. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 164, covers employers with 15 or more workers prohibits a range of discrimination including paying women less than men even when their jobs are different if the reason for the pay difference is gender (AFL-CIO). Title VII also bars discrimination against women in hiring, promotion, training, discipline and other job aspects and makes sexual harassment against women workers illegal (AFL-CIO, U.S. Department of Labor ). There is also one Executive Order that was approved by President Lyndon Johnson to protect women from wage discrimination. Executive Order 1146, which is described by the U.S. Department of Labor as a directive that applies the protections of the Equal Pay Act and Title VII to companies that receive federal contracts.

The third form of sexual harassment that women face is called hostile work environment. A hostile work environment is created when an employee is made to feel uncomfortable because of his or her sex (Wallis 18). This can include using obscene gestures or explicit language, posting lewd pictures, sharing adult magazines, making unwelcome sexual advances, or talking about sex in an offensive manner (Sharf, Wallis). Men would treat women in the shop like they would treat their wives or sisters (Sharf). All these behaviors could be very disturbing for an employee.

It was this kind of a situation that got Ford Motor Company into trouble. Some employees consistently made derogatory remarks to female employees, displayed pornographic pictures in common work areas, and wrote sexual graffiti on factory walls (Wallis 18). The environment was so hostile to female employees that it made it difficult for them to do their jobs effectively (Wallis 18-). Another form of sexual harassment is called quid pro quo harassment. Quid pro quo harassment is when a supervisor is threatening to fire, not promote, or deny preferential duty to an employee if she doesnt have sex with him (Wenk). Quid pro quo is a Latin term meaning "this for that," as in negotiating a trade (Wenk). For example, "Sleep with me, and Ill make sure you get that promotion;" "sleep with me or youre fired." When an employees position, advancement, or salary depends on agreeing to an unwelcome sexual advance from a boss or higher ranking employee, thats quid pro quo (Wenk).

These are just three of the many forms of discrimination and harassment that some women go through at the workplace. Now that there has been a preview of some of the horrific abuses that women face at work lets look into some the procedures that women can if they encounter harassment or discrimination in the workplace.

If a woman is subjected to any form of sexual harassment the most important thing to remember is that its not her fault. Sexual harassment is not really about sex at all. It is about power, and sex is merely the means to exert control (Wallis 1). Dont be quiet. If a woman is being brushed up against in an inappropriate manner, she should state loud enough for anyone nearby to hear, "Please dont touch me. It makes me very uncomfortable." Her actions will make the offender back off because every eye in the office will on him (Wallis 1). Dont be nice. Sometimes you just have to be firm. Dont make excuses for saying no. If you offer justifications, harassers will always have a comeback (Wallis 1). Dont be afraid to speak up. A staff meeting is a good place to bring up the subject. Without naming names, but with the offender in the room, sketch the nature of the harassment and ask the group if you were right to feel troubled (Wallis 1). Next, say you expect the harassment to stop or youll file an official complaint (Wallis 1). There are several routes that a woman can take if she experiences civil right violations such as equal pay discrimination, pregnancy discrimination, or if a woman feels that she has been unfairly overlooked for promotion opportunities. Some state laws are sometimes harsher than federal laws, you can contact your state department of labor or human and civil rights agencies if you experience a problem, or you may file a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (USA Today).

It has been 154 years since the start of the women's movement and since then women have come a long way from that fateful day in 1848, when Elizabeth Cady Stanton and her four friends got together for a cup of tea. Those brave ladies set the standards by putting the ball in motion to what we know as the women's movement of today. As you can see from this paper this battle is a slow one, but the women are winning. Though there are many different kinds of harassment and discrimination, women continue to fight for the right's they have always deserved. There is no reason why women cannot go and work side by side with men and have to wonder if they are getting paid less for the same job. There is no reason why women cannot have a career and a family without suffering from consequences of being fired or not being promoted. Women should be able to go and work along side male coworkers. They should feel like they are part of the team and not like a burden or sex object. There is no reason why women have to go through all this torture. The women of yesterday fought for the women of today. The women of today are fighting for the women for tomorrow, so that the women of tomorrow will not have to.

AFL-CIO. "Working Women, Equal Pay." 6 December 00 http//www.aflcio.org/women/f_eqpay.htm.

Barko, Naomi. "The Other Gender Gap." American Prospect. v. 11 no15 (June 1-July 000) p. 61-

Elmer, Vickie. "Pregnancy Discrimination." Parents. v. 7 (July 17) p. 11-.

Freeman, Jo. "From Suffrage to Women's Liberation Feminism in Twentieth Century America." Women A feminist perspective. 5th edition. (15) p. 50-8.

Sharf, Stephen. "Who's to Blame?" Wards Auto World. v. 6 (Mar. 000) p. 1.

Wallis, T.J. "Sexual Harassment on the Job." Career World. v. 8 no5 (Feb./Mar. 000) p. 16-1.

Wenk, Steven A. "Investigating Sexual Harassment." Modern Casting. v. 88 no6 (June 18) p. 84

What Women Can Do About Workplace Violations. (Aug. 16). USA Today, p. 16.

Wren, Amy Oakes.; Kidwell, Roland E. Kidwell, Linda Achey. "Managing Pregnancy." Business Horizons. v. (Nov./Dec. 16) p. 61-7.

Please note that this sample paper on womens movement is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on womens movement, we are here to assist you. Your persuasive essay on womens movement will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.

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There has been much debate over the last few decades about prostitution law reform. In the course of discussion, several terms are used to indicate current or preferred situations, alternatives and legal strategies. To understand the definitions of legalized, decriminalized, regulated prostitution, etc., we need to understand the context in which these terms are used.

Defining terms for contemporary discussion

Although there have always been reformist efforts and movements concerning prostitution, the prostitutes rights movement, as we know it today, began in the late 60s and early 70s. The difference between the contemporary prostitutes movement and previous efforts is that the current movement has been defined in a large part by prostitutes themselves. Prostitute activists have defined prostitutes legal status in specific ways since the beginning of the prostitutes rights movement. The current movement includes a recognition of the rights of prostitutes to autonomy and self-regulation.

Common definitions of legalization

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There is no official definition of legalized or decriminalized prostitution. Those who are not familiar with the contemporary discussion about prostitution law reform usually use the term legalization to mean any alternative to absolute criminalization, ranging from licensing of brothels to the lack of any laws about prostitution. Most references to law reform in the media and in other contemporary contexts use the term legalization to refer to any system that allows some prostitution. These common definitions of legalization are extremely broad. Conflicting interpretations of this term often cause confusion in a discussion of reform.

Many (or most) societies that allow prostitution do so by giving the state control over the lives and businesses of those who work as prostitutes. Legalization often includes special taxes for prostitutes, restricting prostitutes to working in brothels or in certain zones, licenses, registration of prostitutes and government records of individual prostitutes, and health checks which often means punitive quarantine. The term legalization does not necessarily have to refer to the above sorts of regulations. In fact, in one commonly accepted definition of legalization, legal can simply mean that prostitution is not against the law.

Legalization

From sociological perspective, the term legalization usually refers to a system of criminal regulation and government control of prostitutes, wherein certain prostitutes are given licenses which permit them to work in specific and usually limited ways. Although legalization can also imply a decriminalized, autonomous system of prostitution, in reality, in most legalized systems the police are relegated the job of prostitution control through criminal codes. Laws regulate prostitutes businesses and lives, prescribing health checks and registration of health status (enforced by police and, often corrupt, medical agencies), telling prostitutes where they may or may not reside, prescribing full time employment for their lovers, etc. Prostitute activists use the term legalization to refer to systems of state control, which defines the term by the realities of the current situation, rather than by the broad implications of the term itself.

Because of the range of definitions of legalization, it is difficult to use the term in a discussion of reform. When the general public concerned with civil rights, privacy, etc., call for legalization, they may not be aware implications of that term, or of the problems inherent in many legalized systems.

Decriminalization

Prostitutes rights organizations (ie, COYOTE, National Task Force on Prostitution) use the term decriminalization to mean the removal of laws against prostitution. Decriminalization is usually used to refer to total decriminalization, that is, the repeal of laws against consensual adult sexual activity, in commercial and non-commercial contexts. (Prostitutes rights organizations such as US PROS, English Collective of Prostitutes prefer to refer to the abolition of laws against prostitutes). Prostitutes rights advocates call for decriminalization of all aspects of prostitution resulting from individual decision. Asserting the right to work as a prostitutes, many claim their right to freedom of choice of management. They claim that laws against pimping (living off the earnings) are often used against domestic partners and children, and these laws serve to to prevent prostitutes from organizing their businesses and working together for mutual protection. They call for the repeal of current laws that interfere with their rights of freedom of travel and freedom of association. Civil rights and human rights advocates from a variety of perspectives call for enforcement of laws against fraud, abuse, violence and coercion to protect prostitutes from abusive, exploitative partners and management.

Regulation

The regulation of prostitution usually refers to the criminal regulation of prostitution, but prostitutes rights activists also refer to regulation in terms of both civil regulation and self-regulation. They call for prostitute regulation of prostitute businesses, and civil codes regulating prostitute businesses with regard to the conditions and rights of workers. Those who call for autonomy support solo and collective work arrangements, and prostitutes control of their own lives and businesses. The discussion of regulation is primitive and it is difficult to invoke concepts of self-regulation in a context that presumes police control over prostitutes.

Abolitionism

The attitudes of prostitutes rights activists contrast with attitudes about prostitution by anti-prostitution or abolitionist organizations. Abolitionist movements define prostitution and other categories of sex work as inherently exploitative. Currently abolitionists define prostitution as violence, per se, emphasizing involvement in prostitution as a response to childhood sexual abuse. As a reaction to the exploitation fostered by imperialism and military occupations, international anti-prostitution activists oppose prostitution per say, as well as sex tourism and trafficking (international pimping). Historically, abolitionists have dedicated themselves to rescuing women from prostitution, and training women to find alternative careers or security in marriage. Abolitionist groups want to end the institution of prostitution, envisioning a world where no one sells sexual services for any reason. Organizations such as WHISPER (Women Hurt In Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt) oppose the legitimization of prostitution. These organizations do not self- define as prostitutes rights organizations. They work to reduce or abolish the sex business, advocating against pornography, strip clubs, etc.

Summary

Obviously there is much work to be done as we create the framework for a broad discussion of prostitutes rights. Each of the linguistic approaches can be problematic The term legalization is overbroad. The term decriminalization has not worked its way into a contemporary discussion and can elicit confusion and misinterpretation. Obviously, all the above terms will be evoked in thorough discussion of the issues. Consensus regarding definitions should be established early on. As the discourse develops, it is essential that terms be developed from the perspective of those who will be effected by the legislation.

Prostitution in The United States - The Statistics--

The figures quoted here are based on studies compiled through the 180s and reflect current trends.

-- It is difficult to estimate the number of persons who currently work, or have ever worked as prostitutes for many reasons including the various definitions of prostitution. Arrest figure range are over 100,000. The National Task Force on Prostitution suggests that over one million people in the US have worked as prostitutes in the United States, or about 1% of American women.1

-- Average prostitution arrests include 70% females, 0% percent male prostitutes and 10% customers. A disproportionate number of prostitutes arrested are women of color, and although a minority of prostitutes are women of color, a large majority of those sentenced to jail are women of color. 85-0% of those arrested work on the street though street work accounts for approximately 0% of prostitutes. (Figures vary from city to city.)

-- The ratio of on-street prostitution to off-street (sauna, massage parlor, in call-outcall escort) varies in cities depending on local law, policy and custom. Whereas street prostitution accounts for between 10 to 0% of the prostitution in larger cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco and New York, in some smaller cities with limited indoor venues (or when indoor venues are closed down) street prostitution may account for approximately 50%.4

-- Percentages of male and female prostitutes varies from city to city. Estimates in some larger cities suggest 0-0% of prostitutes are male. In San Francisco, it has been estimated that 5% of the female prostitutes are transgender.5

-- Incidence of substance use and addiction varies widely. Studies in the United States found prevalence of substance use and addiction ranging from 0% to 84%, depending on the population being studied, with substance addiction relatively common among street prostitutes (c. 50%)6 but rare among women who work off the street. One study showed that nearly 50% of one population of women who used drugs did so before becoming prostitutes.7

-- The U.S. Department of Health consistently reports that only -5% of the sexually transmitted disease in this country is related to prostitution (compared with 0-5% among teenagers). There is no statistical indication in the U.S. that prostitutes are vectors of HIV. Although a small percentage of prostitutes may be HIV positive, William Darrow, CDC AIDS epidemiology official, cites no proven cases of HIV transmission from prostitutes to clients.8

-- Violence is one of the major problems for women and prostitutes. Figures vary, one report citing 60% of the abuse against street prostitutes perpetrated by clients, 0% by police and 0% in domestic relationships. According to one massage parlor owner, over 0% of abuse against some prostitutes takes place within domestic relationships.10 Between 5 and 85% of prostitutes are survivors of incest or early sexual abuse. (Figures vary widely for different populations.)11 A study of 10 street workers (primarily homeless) who engaged in prostitution or survival sex found that 80% had been physically assaulted.1 Some prostitutes are raped between 8 and 10 times a year or more. 7% seek help (e.g.., from a rape crisis center), and only 4% report the rape to the police.1 A recent study showed that, in cases of (non-domestic) rape and abuse, 5% of the perpetrators identified themselves as police officers, often producing badges and police identification. (This does not include actual cases of police misconduct and rape.)14 Although violence and the threat of violence is a serious problem, some populations of prostitutes show no higher incidence of violence and abuse than women in general.

--Some researchers suggest that prostitutes, in general, suffer from negative identities or lack of self esteem. A 186 study by Diane Prince, however, found call girls and brothel workers had higher self esteem than before they became prostitutes. 7% of call girls liked themselves more than before. (This study also examines suicide rates, and is often misquoted, referring to a statistic regarding call-girls. In the context of pathologizing prostitutes, some mistakenly report that 75% percent of call girls have attempted suicide, however, according to this study 76% of call girls considered (not attempted) suicide, along with 61% of non-prostitutes, and only 4% of brothel workers.)15

-- Although little research has been done regarding client profiles., anecdotal reports and arrest statistic indicate that clients also vary widely in terms of race and class. In a study in London, England 50% of clients were married, or cohabiting According to Kinseys report, 70% of adult men have engaged in prostitution at least once. Male prostitutes sometimes report that their clients include married men who identify as heterosexual. Customers are rarely arrested more than once for prostitution and are infrequently jailed.

-- Police officers arrest prostitutes for public nuisance or loitering violations or by disguising themselves as customers. They will approach someone they suspect of prostitution, and solicit16 their services until this person is deceived into agreeing to perform sex for money.17 The individual is then arrested for offering or agreeing to an act of prostitution. Arrests of prostitutes necessarily include the use of entrapment, an invasion of privacy, and/or the use of discriminatory laws or tactics.

-- Average arrest, court and incarceration costs amount to nearly $ ,000.00 per arrest. Cities spend an average of 7.5 million dollars on prostitution control every year, ranging from 1 million dollars (Memphis) to million dollars (New York).18

--In 14, the United Nations adopted a resolution in favor of the decriminalization of prostitution, which has been ratified by fifty countries (not by the United States). Many countries complied with decriminalization by decriminalizing prostitution per se, leaving all related activities criminal such as soliciting, advertising, etc. In 17 the National Organization for Women passed a resolution supporting the decriminalization of prostitution.

Please note that this sample paper on pot is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on pot, we are here to assist you. Your persuasive essay on pot will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.

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